The
Iraqi government is struggling to finance its increasing deficit.
But the world
changed in June 2014 as the war with ISIS intensified and oil prices tumbled
almost simultaneously. The government’s oil revenue fell by more than a half, and a
significant chunk of the reduced income had to be spent on financing the war
with ISIS.
The new reality
manifests itself most strikingly through the 2015 budget, where the government
is struggling to finance an increasing deficit.
The initial budget
law stipulated a
deficit of around 26tn dinar ($22bn). But things have not exactly gone
according to plan. Lower oil export volumes and delayed introduction of non-oil
taxes mean that revenues are likely to fall short of their budgetary target. Expenditure
is higher than anticipated as a $10bn payment to international oil companies was
not adequately included in the budget. But the government plans to make up for
this by cutting investment spending. As a result, the deficit is now likely to
reach 42tn dinar, or around 20% of GDP.
How is the
government going to finance this deficit? It intends to raise around 8tn dinar through
external borrowing. This includes borrowing from the International Monetary
Fund and the World Bank, but also involves plans to issue bonds in
international markets. Iraq has recently managed to obtain a credit
rating from Fitch for the first time (hint: not a good one), which could
facilitate its attempts to tap international bond markets.
But nearly half of
the deficit (19tn dinar) is expected to be indirectly financed by the Central
Bank of Iraq (CBI). This works as follows: commercial banks would lend the
government by buying its T-bills, then sell these loans to the central bank and
receive newly-printed money in exchange.
Getting the central
bank to finance the government’s deficit is dangerous and could have painful
implications for inflation and the value of the Iraqi dinar. And even with
this, the government still admits a financing gap equivalent to a third of its
deficit (13tn dinar) which it hopes to
fill with unidentified “domestic and foreign sources”.
The two shocks (oil
prices and the war with ISIS) are creating a messy reality in Iraq. And with oil
prices remaining low for longer, and the war with ISIS unlikely to end anytime soon,
the shocks may turn out to be less transitory than first anticipated. The
urgency of the situation could force a major overhaul in policy. But this remains
more of a hope than an expectation.